OBSERVARE
Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa
ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 2, n.º 1 (Spring 2011), pp. 70-92
SOCIAL NETWORKS: COMMUNICATION AND CHANGE
Gustavo Cardoso
Coordinator of the Master Degree in CCIC of the University Institute of Lisbon (IUL), researcher at
CIES-IUL and lecturer in Media and Society at ISCTE-IUL. He works with the Department for
Communication and Performance Studies of the University of Milan. His research path has taken him
to cooperate with European research networks, namely IN3 (Internet Interdisciplinary Institute) in
Barcelona, WIP (World Internet Project) at USC Annenberg, COST A20 "The Impact of the Internet on
Mass Media", COST 298 "Broadband Society", and COST 609 "Transforming Audiences”. He was an
advisor in Information Society and Telecommunication Policies for the Presidency of the Republic of
Portugal (1996-2006), and in 2008 he was selected by the World Economic Forum as “Young Global
Leader”. Alongside Manuel Castells, he is the co-editor of the book "The Network Society: From
Knowledge to Policy" and Associate Editor of the journal IJOC at USC Annenberg and of the IC&S
journal published by Routledge. He is also a member of the evaluation panel of the European Research
Council and of the European Science Foundation.
Cláudia Lamy
Student in the Master Degree Programme in Communication, Culture and Information Technologies
(ISCTE-IUL), and a law graduate from the Faculty of Law (University of Lisbon). Over the past few
years she has carried out research in the fields of Political Communication and New Media at
institutions such as OberCom (Communication Observatory), Lini-ISCTE (Lisbon Internet and Networks
Institute), CIES-ISCTE (Centre for Research and Sociology Studies), CIMDE-IPL (Research Centre for
Media and Democracy), and ERC (Regulatory Authority for the Media). Her published works include
approaches to Pluralism in the Media, Media Literacy, and Online Political Activism.
Abstract
Virtual social networks have brought about the possibility for open and plural debate, where
all those with the necessary literacy skills and means are able to participate in the creation
and dissemination of information. By pressing political agents and determining the “agenda”
of a lot of the media, users demonstrate that we stand at an ideal platform for creating both
real social movements and more or less fleeting events, as manifestos or virtual campaigns.
Nonetheless, in order to understand the role of virtual social networks in today’s world, we
need to answer some prior questions. Are we facing a new communication model, whereby
the product of “disinterested” interactivity creates an aura of confidence in disseminated
information, often quite higher that that seen in the “old media”? Will that interactivity be a
chance to fight-off citizens’ growing detachment with regard to the “res publica”? Will we
find in citizen-made journalism, transmitted through virtual social networks, the
consecration of a true fourth power? On the other hand, can we call the distinct collective
movements we have seen emerging true “social movements”?
The present article aims to examine this and other issues that come to the fore in the
intricate social world of cyberspace.
Keywords
Social Movement; Social Networks; Internet; Networked
Communication; Political
Communication
How to cite this article
Cardoso, Gustavo; Lamy, Cláudia (2011). "Redes sociais: comunicação e mudança”.
JANUS.NET e-journal of International Relations, Vol. 2, N.º 1, Spring 2011. Consulted
[online] on date of last visit, observare.ual.pt/janus.net/en_vol2_n1_art6.
Ar
ticle received in September 2010 and accepted for publication in March 2010
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 2, n.º 1 (Spring 2011), pp. 70-92
Social networks: communication and change
Gustavo Cardoso e Cláudia Lamy
71
SOCIAL NETWORKS: COMMUNICATION AND CHANGE
Gustavo Cardoso e Cláudia Lamy
Introduction
Communication and the media in general are not only windows to the world. Rather,
they are sources of change, values, attitudes and ways of viewing the world, ideologies,
views about the “other”, possible worlds, and futures.
Television was, and still is, the box that changed the world; newspapers have launched
the seeds of change from old to new regimes, and even at a time closer to us,
newspapers, radio and the television did contribute, from Portugal, to change in East
Timor (Cardoso, 2006). The Internet, blogs and social networks have given us distinct
form of looking at Iran; in the U.S., the choice of a candidate for vice president was
announced via SMS; in Mozambique, the popular uprising in September 2010 was
organized via SMS and followed up in Maputo and the world via Facebook.
We waited about 50 years to see the emergence of a new communication technology
that would question the importance of television in our society: we called it Internet.
The reason why it has challenged the idea of supremacy of the TV as media has much
to do with the way it provides information, entertainment, communication, and
advertising space. However, there is more to it than that. Like television, the Internet
has also evolved and this evolution eventually became a formidable instrument of
communication and change. No two countries are alike, only the same technologies,
and although the Internet has always been a social space for communication - not just
an information space by adopting the term Web2.0 we put ourselves in a position
whereby our biggest motivation for using the Internet could be communication.
This new view about the role of communication in information societies (Castells, 2009)
allowed us to see the role of communication in multiple events of social change, which
we have witnessed over the past years in various geographical and social spaces.
Although there are many examples of appropriation of the so-called "social networks"
in changing contexts, we chose to focus our analysis in the election of Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad in Iran and in the protests around the "Green Movement". The choice of
this example was due to the fact that we wanted an event that might be paradigmatic
of the social appropriation of the media in social networks, but that also allowed
comparison with other examples, as were the September 2010 protests in Mozambique
and the election of Barack Obama in 2008. The reason is that change can be made not
only via an electoral campaign through daily TV spins and social networks, because
there are other contexts in addition to North American and European society where
change takes place. There are many other possible communication practices leading to
social change. However, if, in theory, we can all use Internet communication to change
the practices and attitudes about what surrounds us, in practice there are a number of
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Gustavo Cardoso e Cláudia Lamy
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previous choices to make. These choices are essentially choices on how to think about
our relationship with the mediation mechanisms, and what degree of intervention we
want to have. As Jonathan Taplin shows us in his blog
1
, the way we want to relate with
the world depends on us, and we can choose to merely observe or rethink the world
and our role in it. However, whether we want to play an active role in change or not,
change is underway, as explained by Manuel Castells (2009). For this author, the
relationship between power and communication has never been so direct, and the first
step to exercise that power today is to understand how it works. This analysis seeks to
be a contribution to this exercise.
I. Networked communication and social networks
All societies are characterized by patterns of communication and not just by
information models (Wolton, 1999, Colombo, 1993; Himanen, 2006, Castells 2006,
Cardoso 2006). Our information societies have seen the emergence of a new
communication model. This is a fourth model that can be added to the three previous
ones and that can be placed in chronological order in terms of its social statement
cycles (Ortoleva, 2004). The first model has been defined as interpersonal
communication, which takes a bidirectional form between two or more persons within a
group. The second model, also deeply rooted in our societies, is based on a one-to-
many type of communication, whereby an individual sends a single message to a
limited group of people. The third model, with which we have less experience in
historical terms, boils down to the mass media, whereby, thanks to the use of specific
mediation technologies, a single message can be sent to a mass of people, i.e.
forwarded to an audience of unknown size, which, as such, is unlimited from the start
(Cardoso 2008, Thompson 1995).
The fourth communication model, which seems to characterize our contemporary
societies, is formed by the capacity for globalization of communication, along with the
networking of the means for mass and interpersonal communication and, consequently,
by the emergence of networked mediation under different patterns of interaction. These
patterns may take the form of Self-Mass Communication (Castells, 2009), which takes
place when using Twitter, blogs or SMS; Interpersonal Communication Multimedia,
which happens when we use MSN or Google Chat or even Skype; One-to-Many
Mediated Communication, when we use Facebook with our "friends" and, of course, the
cases of non-mediated mass communication and interpersonal communication. All
these patterns are based on the above-mentioned communication models and which,
through the evolution of mediation, allow them to reconfigure a new communication
model.
The organization of the uses and networking of the media included in this new
communication model is directly related to the different degrees of interactivity allowed
by the today’s media (Cardoso 2008).
If it is true that we have built communication models in our societies, it is equally true
that the main communication paradigms have shaped what the media of a given
system can be (Cardoso 2008). Our current communication paradigms seem to be built
around a rhetoric based mainly on the importance of the moving image, combined with
1
See.: http://jontaplin.com/
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the availability of new ways of accessing information, and with new and innovative
roles, which are now also delivered to users, and which has brought about profound
changes in information and entertainment patterns.
Our contents - be it news, information or entertainment - seem to have changed thanks
to the presence of content provided by actual media users and not just by the media
per se, giving rise to the co-existence of different information models for different
people. However, not only newsworthy information has changed, so has entertainment.
The innovation in entertainment models is reflected both in the availability of user-
generated content, and in the amendments made by media companies on their search
for new content and "shapes" of their experiences with the blurring of boundaries
between traditional genres programming and new approaches to social values (such as
privacy and private life), along with changes within the social appropriation of time,
space and ethics, as reflected in the way stories are told and scripts are written.
The communication model developed in information societies, where the predominant
paradigm of social organization is based on the network (Castells, 2002) is called
Networked Communication (Cardoso, 2009). This model does not replace previous
ones, but tends to link them together, producing new forms of communication, and
enabling new ways of facilitating capacity, therefore communication autonomy.
In information societies, where the network is a central element of the organization, a
new communication model is taking shape: this is a model characterized by a new
interpersonal network, a one-to-many, which connects audiences, participants, users,
broadcasters, and publishers in a single array of network media.
In a networked communication environment, mediation (Silverstone, 2006), media
diets (Aroldi & Colombo, 2003), media matrixes (Meyrovitz, 1985), and the
communication system itself (Ortoleva, 2004) have been transformed. These
transformations in the relations between distinct media, which currently experience
more of a networking interconnection than a true convergence - either in terms of
hardware, services or networks turn mediation into an integrated experience,
combining the use of different media: from the telephone to TV, the newspaper to the
video game, from Internet to the radio, from movies to mobile phones, placing users,
their practices and necessary competences once more at the centre of analysis
(Livingstone, 1999; Cardoso, 2007; Cardoso, 2008).
It is in this context that the use of social networking evolves, sometimes as self-mass
communication, as in the case of Twitter, others as mediated communication from one-
to-many, as with Facebook.
II. Are the internet "social networks” social networks?
”The purpose and potential of these large virtual social networks has not yet been t
u
nveiled, but no doubt they affect and promote ways of relating
(Machado & Tijiboy, 2003).
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The study of networks, which started in the field of Exact Sciences with Ëuler’s Graph
Theory, translated into the field of Social Sciences in three models: the random
networks model, the small-world model and the scale-free networks model (Recuero
2004: 4).
Erdös and Rényi’s random networks model explains the workings of social networking
through the party metaphor: a mere connection between each of the guests at a party
would be enough for everyone to be connected by the end of it (Recuero, 2004: 4).
Thus, from an individual common to all, a cluster is formed by a group of
interconnected people, and this connection allows a future relationship between various
clusters.
Granovetter’s small-world model distinguishes social ties, separating strong ties
(among close friends) from weak ones (between mere acquaintances): if the former
bring together people who have shared interests, creating clusters or communities, the
latter allow not only the interaction between individuals belonging to different clusters,
but also between the communities to which they belong, thereby creating a social
network (Recuero, 2004: 5-6). From this theory, Watts and Strogatz demonstrated how
easy it is to establish a connection among members of different communities: the
average distance between any two people on the planet does not exceed a small
number of others, and their interaction simply requires that some random links
between groups take place (Buchanan, 2002).
The scale-free networks model emerged as a critique to Watts’ vision: networks do not
have an inherent randomness but specific laws, such as the preferred connection ("rich
get richer") (Barabási, 2003). Moreover, the networks are not equal and the worlds are
not small, given the existence of highly connected factors (hubs). Accordingly, any
individual will prefer to connect to another who has a large number of connections, as
this will allow him to access them all. This is evidence of the existence of a preferred
connection: the hubs are "the rich that get richer", given that, as they have an
immense range of contacts, they will also be the most sought after by those around
them (Recuero, 2004: 6).
However, can we transfer these models on to online social networks?
In the random networks model, there seems to be added value in explaining the
connection between hubs and other participants through randomization - after all, the
former only contact others to promote their own profiles, ignoring the characteristics
and interests of the latter. However, not all invitations in social networks are based on
this premise, as many are justified by personal interests, such as reconnect with
friends, establish business contacts or find a love relationship (Recuero, 2004: 7 et
seq.).
In the small-world model, the degree of separation between members of an online
social network is very small, it is true, but not because this is a rule based on two types
of ties (weak and strong): it is so because there are individuals who see accumulating
contacts as an end in itself, even if they never interact with those whom Recuero calls
"friends around the world" or Barabási describes as hubs, "people who are highly
connected, with a vast number of friends, and who contribute significantly to the
disappearance of distance between individuals in the system "(Barabási, 2004: 7 et
seq.).
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As for the scale-free networks model, Recuero advocates that it is impossible to apply it
to its full extent in the absence of a preferred connection: the hubs are the ones that
randomly invite other users to their contact list and not the reverse, to serve their sole
purpose (the "collection of profiles."). In the absence of any interaction other than the
original, can we really take these elements as belonging to a true social network?
(Recuero, 2004: 7 et seq.).
The analysis and explanation of how virtual networks work just from the models applied
to non Internet-mediated networks is difficult, because many of its features do not fit
or even contradict the premises of the models presented. However, this does not
invalidate the existence of social networks in the online medium, as they exist from the
moment in which individuals are active in this context. We are just facing a reality that
fits to its own context the limitations and advantages of the interests of social ties
shared by all users, (Cardoso, 2003; Schroeder, 2005: 2). To speak of forms of social
relationship on the Internet is to discuss how citizens use the new communication
possibilities, and how they stand up to their advantages and difficulties. Or, as Bennett
affirms, it is the interaction between the Internet and its users - and, in turn, their
interactions in material social contexts - that constitute the matrix within which we can
find the power of new media in creating different spaces for discourse and coordination
of actions (2003:18).
Some authors see nothing exceptional in these new networks, which will be just ways
of sociability transposed to new platforms: it is, for example, the opinion of Wellman,
for whom "Computer-Mediated Communication is just one of many technologies used
by people and through which existing community networks communicate "(Hamman,
1998). It is clear that Wellman bases his views on the premise that the purpose of most
virtual contacts is to be transposed to life offline, which is not always the case: many
virtual links tend to be kept in those spaces, and may never translate into to face-to-
face contact, not least due to geographical distance (Recuero, 2004: 9).
In the discussion about the territoriality of communities on the Internet, a distinction
between online communities and virtual communities is advanced. Online communities
are associated with the recreation, in cyberspace - the area without the size and
characteristics of physical space of places which were already associated with offline
communities. In turn, virtual communities are associated with the establishment of
communities in cyberspace without any correspondence with a pre-existing physical
space, that is, meeting points for all who share a common set of interests, but whose
meeting in the same cybernetic location is not possible given the geographic distance
or other constraints (Cardoso, 1999).
From the cross analysis between the network theories and the empirical dimension
associated with sites called Social Networking Sites (SNS) like Facebook, Hi5, Orkut, or
microblogging like Twitter, it seems clear that we have social networks in the sense of
social interaction spaces and creation of autonomy.
III. Networked social practice on the internet
There is a basic question in the analysis of social networks on the Internet: what do we
d
o with social networks? Between the technological potential and actual use lies a
whole domestication process (Silverstone, 1994) that marks where the technology had
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evolved in terms of its use. The figure below shows the kind of diverse SNS uses in
Portugal
Fig I – “Which tools do you use most on your social network account?”
Source: CIES ISCTE, A
Sociedade em Rede, 2010
N=1255 (total responses); n=35 (users of the Internet and social network platforms)/ 25% of total
respondents; 56% of Internet users.
From these uses, a possible division stands out in the activities aimed at strengthening
social ties with friends and acquaintances (Messaging, Chat, Birthday Alerts, Writing on
the Wall), managing social capital (Search for Friends, Sending Gifts, Games, Group
Creation), entertainment (Quizzes and Tests), identity expression (Video Posting), and
social intervention (Supporting Causes). This article will focus primarily on social
intervention in Internet networks. There are very significant developments with regard
to online social networks, especially in relation to the spread and reliability of
information: for example, CNN has said it fears more competition from networks like
Facebook or Twitter than from other television broadcasters
2
. Trust in this type of
s
ources appears to have been encouraging their use, supplanting the search for
information in other media. Of course we can never forget that we are analyzing the
cyber world and not world reality - as we know, television and its contents are still the
medium citizens give priority to, in particular due to their easy access to the technology
used and the fact they do not need immediate specific literacy. Given the exponential
growth of networks promoted by Facebook and Twitter, we need to better understand
what they offer.
Like other social networks, Facebook allows one to create a profile, whereby the user
enters information ranging from name, age or marital status, to data such as
ideological and political views, or causes espoused. There are mechanisms for
maintaining privacy, if not anonymity: the use of nicknames and the non-placement of
photos or personal information, although not the most common options, are real
2
See.: http://www.agenciafinanceira.iol.pt/empresas/media-cnn-facebook-twitter-hi5-agencia-
financeira/1146270-1728.html
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possibilities. Users can support causes, institutions or people, and they also have the
opportunity to join debate forums. They can also communicate through asynchronous
messages (a priori, only visible to them), chats, and through public posts, accessible to
all their contacts. In the case of the latter, users’ direct contacts (or indirect, if so
determined) may comment on content and have the possibility to share it.
Currently, Facebook is the social network on the Internet that brings together a greater
number of supporters (517.480,460 users worldwide, and 149.976,980 individuals
registered in Europe alone
3
), giving rise to such devotion as to elicit the emergence of
p
athological behaviours
45
. As a result of this success, its advertising revenues have
been increasing exponentially, surpassing the highest expectations: in 2009, they
reached $ 800 million, with net income of tens of millions
6
. Thus, Facebook becomes a
"mediated communication from one-to-many", since each user knows who his/her
"friends" are, as he/she authorizes their "friendship." Only after acceptance by the
friend can he start being a "friend" to the person who invited him.
Twitter has other characteristics, because it is a form of microblogging
7
based on the
instant publishing of text of up to 140 characters. Twitter allows the use of instant text
messaging, primarily to share experiences and opinions among communities of citizens
(Java, Song, Finin & Tseng, 2007: 2; Miard, 2009: 2). However, not everyone uses it in
the same way: whereas some are constant sources of information and commentary,
others just watch the dissemination of opinions, without active participation.
According to a study conducted on these microbblogers, the most common posts focus
on the daily routine, on what the user is doing at the moment and on his/her particular
mood (Java, Finin, Song & Tseng, 2007: 6/7). In what regards talks, there is no
possibility for direct response to a message posted by a third person, as with Facebook,
which is why users have chosen to use the "@" symbol followed by the username of the
user with whom they want communicate.
The dissemination of constantly updated daily information is also one of the most
interesting applications of Twitter, and has already proven to allow a very rapid
awareness of the user population, apart from being a simple way for those who do not
have other ways of communicating their indignation with regimes that are dictatorial or
restrictive of freedom of expression
8
(Correia, undated: 4). In fact, due to the media
c
onvergence , it is now possible to use mobile phones for text messaging instead of
accessing the homepage, enabling the dissemination of a variety of content from any
location.
Of course all this ease of access and unrestricted content has less positive implications:
the danger of misinformation, especially if propagated by the strongest hubs. Rumours
3
See.: http://www.facebakers.com/countries-with-facebook/
4
Obsession medical clinics: http://www.ionline.pt/conteudo/52583-viciados-no-facebook-ja-ha-clinicas-
tratar-obsessao.
5
See.: http://www.facebakers.com/countries-with-facebook/
6
See:h
ttp://www.tvi24.iol.pt/media-e-comunicacoes/facebook-redes-sociais-media-internet-agencia-
financeira/1171052-5239.html.
7
It differs from blogging, particularly because it only allows a small number of characters and because it
i
s related to a rate of updates that is much greater than blogging (Java, Song, Finin & Tseng, 2007: 2)
8
The organisation Reporters Sans Frontières (v.g. http://en.rsf.org/) fights for press freedom. It has
headquarters in Paris and offices in several countries. Its site, built in three languages, maps out the
aggressions of authoritarian governments against journalists and the media (Moraes, 2001: 8).
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are quickly repeated and amplified through this network, especially if generated or
shared by members with more contacts.
Between supporters and pessimists, both with strong arguments on the matter under
consideration, the truth is that social networking on the Internet and in other
mediation areas, such as telephone networks, force us to rethink the social and political
societies of the 21
st
century. What motivates individuals to participate in new forms of
social relationships through mediation?
The idea of a platform in which all citizens are invited to rationally discuss the issues of
the society they belong to, facilitating the flow of information and knowledge, is the
ideal fourth estate: the media in general should act like that, allowing grassroots voices
to reach decision makers (Hartley, 1992) - the materialization of Habermas’ concept of
public sphere, the Agora of Athens or New England’s town-hall, something that does
not seem to occur today (Cardoso, 2003). This challenging but desirable view of the
media was heavily criticized, especially because it would never be equalitarian: if, in
the past, only the literate bourgeoisie could access the contents of newspapers in order
to foster the exchange of ideas, nowadays only an elite could participate fully in such
an occurrence.
Given this state of the art, some authors see in new media in general, and in online
social networks in particular, not just one way of achieving the debate that has not
taken place in traditional media, but a means for civic participation, where common
interests allow soliciting opinions, decisions and interventions in specific areas. In part,
this seems to find some echo: as Castells points out, "in the international arena, new
transborder social movements, rising to defend women’s causes, human rights,
environmental preservation and political democracy, are making the Internet an
essential tool for disseminating information, organizing, and mobilizing "(2002: 475).
This possibility is even more relevant if we look at the general disappointment with
political life and the increasing distrust in democracy
9
and its institutions
.
Discussing,
d
eciding, and implementing decisions would be transposed or shared between modern
institutions and the public through the Internet (Cardoso, 2003). To the extent that the
mass media and political elites, in their eagerness to regain new audiences and
supporters, have already expressed their interest in joining computer-mediated
communication, especially social networks. As Castells argues, the study of the
transformation of power relations in the new communication space should consider the
interaction between political actors, social agents and the media business (2007:254).
The use of these networks have proven a skilful way of communicating without trace,
which is useful in countries where communication is still open to explicit censure, as in
China or Myanmar (Ekman, 2007: 39). In fact, censorship or manipulation of
information by political groups or lobbies becomes more difficult: horizontal
transmission of information, often live, by citizens creates an aura of truth very
different from the one that currently fills the political world (Castells, 2007:251).
9
According to Eurobarometer, in relation to Portugal,
only 40 percent of respondents consider themselves
satisfied with the functioning of national democracy, compared with a European average of 53 percent.
The levels of satisfaction with the functioning of national democracy are superior only to those expressed
by the new Member States (NMS-12) like Slovakia (40%), Slovenia (37%), Hungary (23%), Latvia
(21%), Bulgaria (21%), Romania (18%) and Lithuania (18%) (Executive Summary, 2009, p. 4).
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This form of "citizen journalism" is further simplified by the current convergence of
platforms
10
: the possibility of placing any information in the web world via mobiles or
by transferring content through online networks lends itself not only to increased
globalization of social interaction through virtual networks, as it allows almost
simultaneous circulation of any event that deserves the attention of its transmitter.
Moreover, the use of mobile phones to spread images and consequently raise the
awareness of the international community has proved essential in situations as diverse
as Seattle, or in the case of the Iranian and Mozambicans protests.
In the Internet arena, organizations and people gather together to change something in
many different themes and perspectives, fighting for visibility and projecting the
consequences. As Moraes writes, "The Internet is fostering the struggles of civil society
groups to promote social justice in a world that globalizes inequalities of all kinds. (...)
Most of these entities aim to strengthen civil society in the process of universalizing
values and democratic rights. They bring together concrete or symbolic interests and
needs, promoting actions in favour of citizenship "(2001:2).Therefore, social networks
play an extremely important role with regard to socially, economically or politically
excluded groups, giving voice to minorities or enabling the raising of resources and the
setting up of and networks that share their aims.
Organizations have been using the Internet for a long time to spread their purposes
and actions more easily at no cost, and to raise the largest number of members. These
practices led to the creation of intervention tools, such as virtual campaigns, discussion
groups, online manifestos, and links murals, creating an arena for further mobilization.
The possibility of a reaching a range of people without the limitations imposed by
gatekeepers (as happens in television or in the press) makes Computer-Mediated
Communication (CMC) extremely relevant to all citizens and NGOs whose objectives
include denouncing, exercising pressure and raise political awareness
11
(Moraes, 2001:
3
; Bennett, 2003: 3). Virtual NGOs have also begun to make full use of their
interconnection with the aim of sharing expertise, resources, costs, and space, and
each node incorporates new users who potentially become producers and transmitters
of information (Moraes, 2001:3). There is no doubt that social networks have allowed a
more open and pluralistic debate, becoming promoters of a civic and political
participation that otherwise appears to be fading away (Cardoso & Neto, 2003).
Even if the globalization phenomenon means we run the risk of uniformity of thought
and critical analysis, it is also this phenomenon that allows once-distant regions
become accessible to all: their problems, victories, and movements are not only
broadcast but can find supporters in remote locations around the globe. Accordingly,
we have a conjugation of individual matters conceived for local use and a global world:
in fact, people think in the context of their own realities, but use virtual media for its
diffusion, thus acting globally (Castells, 2007:249). For this reason, the Internet and
other technologies, such as mobile phones and digital video, enable people to organize
politics in a way that overcomes the limitations of time, space, identity and ideology,
10
Over 70 million Europeans already access the Internet via their mobile phones, and do it once a week
for one hour a day on average - Study of the European Interactive Advertising Association (EIAA), see
http://dn.sapo.pt/inicio/ciencia/interior.aspx?conten
t_id=1512132&seccao=Tecnologia.
11
Take the case of Amnesty International, one of the first NGOs to use the Internet: in 2001 it had one
million members in 160 countries and 50 websites (Moraes, 2001:7).
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resulting in the expansion and coordination of activities, which possibly would not occur
by other means (Bennett, 2003: 6).
Activist networks on causes have been addressed differently by distinct authors, and
some see an "army on the net" (Holstein, 2002, unpaged) or a "smart mob"
(Rheingold, 2002) in them. However, Bennett points to the difficulty in accepting such
warlike or close to interest groups views when the non-institutional organization and
the absence of a hierarchy to respect are essential to understand the networking work
of activist communities (2003: 9 et seq.). As such, the author proposes the approach
presented by Gerlach and Hines, called SPIN: we are talking about segmented,
polycentric and integrated networks:
- segmented, given the fluidity of its borders in relation to formal organizations, non-
institutionalized groups and individual activists and individuals, where cooperation is
constant;
- polycentric, since there are no leaders but centres to coordinate the activities of
networks;
- integrated, due to its horizontal structure, assuming activism is carried out by all
members.
The first case study of a popular movement organized through the Internet took place
in Seattle in 1999, at the meeting of the World Trade Organization. The world saw not
only the demonstration of some fifty thousand people filling the streets of Seattle in a
protest against Neoliberalism, but also protests in 82 cities in the U.S., Europe and
South America (Bennett, 2003: 25; Moraes 2001: 9).
In these cases, the Internet proved to be important both for the organization of
demonstrations and for the global transmission and dissemination of events. Thus, the
protest gained a global force, determining the agenda setting of the media and,
accordingly, of public opinion. As a result, the political authorities were forced to cancel
the meeting, showing that the “losing” forces of the economic system had managed,
through a conflict relationship, to seize the power they claimed (Della Porta and Diani,
2006: 167).
IV. Networked communication and social movements
A social movement is a collective attempt by a certain number of people to change
individuals or institutions and social structures
(Zald and Ash, 1966).
Nowadays, activism seems a regular practice that is well received by users of social
networks: environmental causes, defence of human rights or reaction to political facts
are subject to frequent attention. However, does this reflect social movements, or is it
simply the sum of a set of shared acts of individual protest? Many authors have tried to
define what, among various possible collective actions, is commonly called social
movement. This debate has generated both demand for greater rigour in the
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description of the aspects that make up this reality (creating more or less open
notions), and the denial of the actual concept
12
.
For Della Porta and Diani (2006: 20), social movements necessarily comprise three
components: conflict relationships; intricate networks among the actors involved, and a
lasting collective identity that goes beyond individual will and the mere event limited in
time. Let us examine these aspects.
At the outbreak of a social movement, individuals are involved in conflict relationships
with clearly identified adversaries, both seeking to control the same object. Thus, those
directly involved in social movements should be considered to be challengers/defenders
of existing institutional authority, whether of political, corporate, religious, or
educational nature (Snow, Soule & Kries, 2007: 8/9).
The definition of strategies, coordination of initiatives and regulation of individual
behaviour depends on ongoing negotiations between individuals and the organizations
involved, developed through contacts made through informal networks. This
organization can be of various types and levels, but in no case an individual, by
himself, represents a move, because the latter assumes the existence of shared
ambitions by different actors.
Finally, these actors share a collective identity that reflects a commitment to the cause
beyond a certain number of protests or the total of specific campaigns (Snow, Soule &
Kriese 2007: 10/11). Thus, as stated by Della Porta and Diani (2006: 23), the
dynamics of a social movement is taking place when individual episodes of collective
action are perceived as components of a more enduring action, rather than discrete
events (...). Even if a representative democracy presupposes that the interests of
citizens are represented, the disappointment of the latter with regard to
institutionalized political organizations cannot but be noted, leading to the development
of new forms of participation (Cardoso & Neto, 2003: 108). Along with institutional
tools that have long been used, such as the work provided to political parties or
attending political meetings, new means of conducting politics are emerging, like
signing petitions, boycotts, occupations, demonstrations, cutting off traffic, and non-
trade union strikes (2006: 166), some of which are initiated, and certainly
disseminated, through social networks.
The concept of protest is, itself, controversial. Being a form of collective action, it is not
the only one, and it does not necessarily have a radical or conflict intent. Rather, it is
an unorthodox course of action aimed at mobilizing public opinion to exercise pressure
on policy makers (Della Porta and Diani, 2006: 165).
This takes us back to the question on the origin of social movements: given the
influence they already hold, organizations standing close to power do not resort to this
kind of strategy. Rather, protest is the political source of the non-powerful (Lipsky,
1965): those committed to a common cause and who intend to press their
institutionalized "opponents" need their actions to have visibility to garner the
sympathy of public opinion.
12
For example, this is the position of Dieter Opp, when he states he prefers the notion of protest group to
t
hat of social movement, defining it as a community of actors who want to achieve their goal or shared
objectives, influencing the decisions of a target (2009: 41)
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Support given to causes in the context of social networks typically arises as a result of
the action of formal or informal groups with ability to mobilize others, because its
success depends on the capacity to get the word out and get third parties to trigger an
action which, at least, results in public support for a given position. The argument that
we can leave here is that support to causes in social networks have characteristics of
conflict relationships, of smaller or larger networks among stakeholders, and of
formation of a collective identity. This last point, which we may consider to be more
controversial, is echoed when membership starts to be listed in the individual profiles of
those who lend their support and, as such, becomes a shareable part of the personal
identity with regard to third parties. Therefore, it can be argued that social movements
also are forged on the Internet’s social networks.
V. From Washington to Tehran, passing through Maputo: Networks
b
etween symbolism and action
"We can see that virtual social networks are major circulation channels in the flow of
information, links, values and social discourse, which expand, delimit and fuse territories
" (Machado & Tijiboy 2003).
Internet use during the election campaign of Barack Obama in 2008 has often been
cited, being mentioned as one of the main reasons for the electoral success of the
current U.S. President. The campaign website, Obama's appearance at various social
networks - particularly on Facebook - the mailing list of supporters, among other
things, left a strong imprint on this campaign, which became somehow an inspiring
model for several candidacies that have since taken place almost everywhere in
Europe. (Plouffe, 2009).
One could argue that the model for the Obama campaign was appropriated and
reinvented in the 2009 Iranian post-election context, in the form of a social movement
generated in social networks and brought to the streets of Tehran. Given the election
results of June 2009 – with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad declared the winner two hours after
the close of the polls - the Iranian population upraised because it believed the result to
be fraudulent. Supporting the main opposition leader, the reformist candidate Mir
Hussein Mousavi, citizens organized themselves in what is called the Green
Movement
13,
which is still active today despite all state police efforts to end it
14
.
G
iven the popular reactions and feelings shared in them, we aim to demonstrate not
only the existence of a genuine social movement developed and implemented through
online social networking, but also the existence of virtual communities that use it as a
protest tool. Moreover, the essentiality of CMC is so obvious that those targeted by the
movement not only censor the information conveyed as they even derail the network
connections in key moments of domestic politics.
13
See.: h
ttp://translate.google.pt/translate?hl=pt-
PT&sl=en&tl=pt&u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.cbsnews.com%2Fstories%2F2010%2F06%2F10%2Fopinion%
2Fmain6568553.shtml&anno=2
14
The International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) said that about two thousand people were arrested
in just 15 days of protests: http://aeiou.expresso.pt/musavi-insiste-em-novas-eleicoes-no-irao=f523600
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First, the conflict relationship between those who have institutionalized power and
authority (in this case the government of Ahmadinejad and the Guardian Council that
validated his alleged victory) and those who want to remove such power from those
hands towards a change of regime (which includes, of course, not only Mousavi and all
his political supporters, but also citizens who, in the streets of Tehran and in online
social networks, require a new ballot.)
The organizational format of all those who wish to contest the elections is in fact based
on an informal network. Without any pre-established hierarchy or original vertical
relations, citizens defend their common interests in a democratic relationship of
equality that, of course, never questioned the power of initiative that is more or less
present in each of the existing links. Mousavi may incite protest, but the initiatives
associated with the Green Movement do not all depend on him. At best, he may be a
hub, but he can never be regarded as a leader in the relations among the communities
that profess the common interest of democracy and pluralism in Iran.
As important as the previous references, we are in the presence of a collective identity:
we are not talking about a fleeting protest, a one-off demonstration: we have a
collective feeling shared by the masses that justice behind a political process should
occur. To this end, efforts are brought together, forms of communication are created
among all supporters (individuals or collective), personal accounts are developed so
that, globally, everyone can follow the progress of political and social developments in
Iran.
The growing awareness of the essentiality of the virtual world of politics has a place not
only among citizens: the actual traditional media are starting to pay attention to
content published by virtual communities, to petitions circulating through them, and to
peaceful demonstrations that are being organized in this way. Indeed, the former do
not pay much attention to demonstrations: as they focus on the "now" ignoring the
information context, activist actions that not translate into violent demonstrations or
protests seldom capture media attention, which means, not infrequently, that the
media receptors have complete ignorance of the purposes or intentions of the
organizations involved (Bennett, 2003: 3).
The fact that Twitter was the channel that warned about the poor coverage of the
Green Movement by traditional media strikes us as an example of what has been said
before. In fact, "on 13 June 2009, when protests began to escalate, which was ignored
by the Iranian media, information on Twitter flowed in real-time
15.
Referring specifically
t
o CNN, the network created a gate watching movement in which citizens questioned
the quality and the true intentions of the information conveyed by the media.
Influenced by this warning or not, the truth is that this company has redoubled its
attention (De Tolledo, undated: 5). Thus, the agenda setting of the activists with the
media in general can produce changes in how priorities are established in the media
(Web, undated: 4 /5) - how to "encourage" forgotten "stories", marginalized sources
and the return to civil society and its informal dynamics at the expense of prefabricated
and selected information focused on institutional mechanisms "(undated: 5 et seq.). In
addition, there is the fact that political and economic interests do not always turn away
from the media, and even match those shared by opponents of social movement
(Moraes, 2001: 4; Castells, 2007: 250). This is the case in Iran: by manipulating the
15
See.: Twitter: A window to Iran: http://aeiou.visao.pt/twitter-uma-janela-para-o-irao=f513147
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national media, which can only convey expressions of support for Ahmadinejad, the
current leader has even prohibited the coverage of protests by international media
16
.
Zuckerman believes that the reason why social media is so interesting is that
international media do not have correspondents on the ground
17
.
Aware of the dynamism shown by these communities that use the new media as a
major interaction vehicle, Ahmadinejad’s supporters operated in two distinct ways: they
not only censored content and hindered the use of sites, blogs
18
, virtual social
networks, and even mobile telephone network, but also imprisoned those responsible
for transmitting information not seen as being favourable to the regime
19
. Moreover,
t
his awareness did not start just after protests had began, otherwise the suspension of
Twitter hours before the elections would not be justified
20
. With regard to this type of
censorship, users of CMC have been trying to warn about ways to disseminate
information, especially when using the two most common tags: iranelection and gr88
(Reference to the Green Revolution and the current year in the Persian calendar:
1388)
21 22
. In these cases, Twitter users were advised not to reveal their IP address,
not to reveal in any manner the name or location of a genuine source of the Green
Movement, or even rushing to respond, since the security forces were using the same
social network
23
.
Thus, it seems undeniable that the Iranian Government of Mr. Ahmadinejad is afraid of
the media in general and online social networks in particular: in fact, there is no point
in censuring spaces that have no power at home or abroad. Although censorship does
not advocate the essentiality of social networks, it seems undeniable that censorship,
especially in key political occasions, shows it finds them important, even if only
potentially.
As in other social movements or collective actions, in the case of Iran, online social
networks have also been heavily used. If we examine them, we will see a wide range of
virtual communities sharing a common purpose, their members sharing a relationship
of equality and fairness not using any hierarchies; in these social networks, space is
often exceeded as national issues are transposed to international reality, and joint
determination is often accomplished through cybernetic mediation. With this type of
communication (many-to-many), citizens and NGOs have succeeded in mobilizing
supporters around the world, aligning global protests and collecting signatures for
petitions, giving global visibility to a national issue.
16
At the announcement of a demonstration, the professional licences of journalists working for foreign
media were declared invalid for a period of 48 hours:
http://aeiou.expresso.pt/gen.pl?p=stories&op=view&fokey=ex.stories/551691
17
See.: http://www.businessweek.com/technology/content/jun2009/tc20090617_803990.htm
18
When a student protest was organised, “authorities blocked most student websites”:
http://aeiou.expresso.pt/gen.pl?p=stories&op=view&fokey=ex.stories/551691
19
“Following protests against the reelection of Mahmud Ahmadinejad, four thousand people were detained,
and, of these, over fifty bloggers and journalists”:
http://aeiou.expresso.pt/gen.pl?p=stories&op=view&fokey=ex.stories/541076
20
See.: http://boingboing.net/2009/06/15/iranian-election-upr.html
21
T
he only two hashtags considered to be legitimate used by bloggers in this context are #iranelection and
#gr88; all others may induce the thinning out of conversation
http://www.boingboing.net/2009/06/16/cyberwar-guide-f
or-i.html
22
An example is: when acceding Mousavi’s page on Twitter, one reads: #iranelection In case of the arrest
of any of the Green movement’s leaders, take to the streets in Tehran: Enghelab to Azadi. Tell everyone.
(10:50 PM Dec 30th, 2009)
23
See.: http://www.boingboing.net/2009/06/16/cyberwar-guide-for-i.html
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An example illustrating the importance of the Twitter online social network took place
on 15 June 2009, when the possibility of suspending the network for maintenance
purposes was advanced. Faced with the concern of Iranians users and followers
throughout the world, given that only two days had elapsed since the release of the
elections results and the start of protests, those in charge of Twitter opted to defer the
procedure
24
. This concern seems plausible when we note that one of the most popular
pages on Twitter, with more than 25,631 followers, is about the reformist candidate
25
.
Out of curiosity, it must be noted that Mousavi also has a Facebook profile
26
with 3,966
contacts, a YouTube channel
27
with almost 70,000 views, and a Flickr page where he
c
ollects pictures of the protests against him
28
.
Fig. II – Profile of Mir Hossein Mousavi on Facebook
Source: h
ttp://www.facebook.com/home.php?#!/mousavi?ref=search
Nevertheless, several authors defend that we do not face a real revolution in the means
for coordinating social movements, but a utility for increasing global visibility,
sometimes merely the result of a particular international context.
We believe it is impossible to justify all the development and coordination of a social
movement through online networks. Mishra argues that the number of citizens using
such networks is too small when compared with the size of the protests that we have
seen
29
.
And if it is true that citizens have the means to give their personal account of
experiences and to access to all sorts of information and values shared by certain
communities (Castells, 2007: 256), the fact remains that not everyone will have access
to these platforms. However, the peculiar Iranian case should be pointed out: with a
very young population (average 26.4 years of age
30
), more than 23 million Iranians had
24
See: h
ttp://www.businessweek.com/technology/content/jun2009/tc20090617_803990.htm
25
See: http://twitter.com/mousavi1388
26
See: h
ttp://www.facebook.com/mousavi1388
27
See: http://www.youtube.com/mousavi1388
28
See: http://www.flickr.com/photos/mousavi1388
29
See: http://www.businessweek.com/technology/content/jun2009/tc20090617_803990.htm
30
See.: http://www.middleeastdirectory.com/cs_iran.htm
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Internet connection in 2007 and 29.77 million had mobile phones
31
- these are relevant
numbers considering that Iranian population in 2008 was just under 66 million (From
Tolledo, undated: 4).
Any such analysis must be tempered by the fact that, as in other online communities,
many of the participants are mere spectators who belong to a Facebook group or have
a host on Twitter without actually materializing this support in the political world offline
(Chong, 2009: 18). It is more reasonable to say that only some citizens use Twitter to
organize protests in Iran, with blogs, SMS and even offline communication media being
the most common means used for internal organization.
We must not forget that not everyone involved may be interested in active participation
in online social networks: the "profile collectors”, who rarely seek interaction with their
contacts, are examples of this. Conversely, there are also real "promoters of public
debate", as already noted by some authors: there are strategic agents in the networks
who act as facilitators of links and information flow, and who stimulate debate,
propose, challenge other members of the group to participate and generate or relieve
tension in the articulation of differences"(Machado & Tijiboy, 2003:4).As it happens in a
society that is not mediated by the Internet, not all citizens are interested in active
participation, for which reason we should not expect interaction and interest from
everyone involved in social networks. We must not forget that people are the ones
using digital platforms to achieve their purposes, not the reverse: through them,
curiosity may be raised, and it may be possible to inform and even educate. But
networks can never override the human will to use it: we need to show the possibilities
and be aware that they are basically just that. In essence, the real question is whether
the users of virtual communities use them as a means to make their voices heard when
no other means permit it, if they only reproduce online the attitudes they have offline,
or if all those with no previous interest in public debate develop new interests and skills
to be socially involved.
However, mobilization and the international publicity of events already owe a lot to that
social network, which also allows connection with political exiles (Chong, 2009: 18): as
Correia states, "one of the most important features of computer-mediated
communication is its ability to allow the many-to-many dialogue and its capacity to
facilitate communication among geographically dispersed groups and individuals
"(Correia, undated: 4).
Still, not all results in the use of this and other virtual networks are positive: the
unlimited proliferation of information runs the risk that, instead of informing, it will
create information chaos. Basically, we speak of a general confusion and the
emergence of certain forms of autism (Rheingold, 1993), of the multiplication of
personal visions, little reliable information or with less clear intentions that might lead
to what Correia calls the "lack of reflexivity paralyzed by the new fetish value that is
speed in real time" (undated: 6). Public sphere as a democratic achievement faces, in
fact, an obstacle: the so-called digital divide, the critical stance that allows us to
disentangle information from noise or knowledge from "readings based solely on any
common sense" become more essential to the realization of democracy through online
networks (ibid, 2006: 401; Correia, undated: 6 et seq.) However, it seems safe to
consider the possibility that information survives outside the context of news and the
31
See.: http://www.middleeastdirectory.com/cs_iran.htm
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exclusive mediation of journalists. We do not live in a reality of mass communication or
in a context where it is totally irrelevant. Networked communication (Cardoso, 2009)
presupposes coexistence and interdependence not only of communication models but
also among many different actors, be they users, journalists or participants
(Silverstone, 2006).
VI. How Far Do The Voices Get To?
As we have seen, debate and information flow seem to be, in itself, a big plus. Despite
t
he fact that many of the views advanced in social networking sites wish to change the
status quo, and wish to be heard by the powers in general, will they be consequential?.
Silveirinha believes not: "in cyber-organizations, due to the fact that people do not
develop face-to-face actions, strong bonds of 'affinity groups' can be limited to
maintaining a kind of 'virtual public' without power for action and influence, simply
replacing political battle with cyber-fighting, which is more or less inconsequential "
(undated: 12). Boyd also argues that there is no direct link between the information
conveyed through new technologies and those who should be its recipients: although
technology provides a public forum in which people can express different political
views, this does not guarantee that such views are heard" (2005: 3). According to the
author, although the population has been enticed to participate politically through
virtual networks, the truth is that, as a rule, new technologies have not allowed those
raised voices reach higher levels of political decision (2005:7). In this specific case, the
analysis is not easy and the results are not peaceful. First of all, this is because we
have to analyze what results are expected and, ultimately, what political participation
means to each of us. Should information and debate, without an end other than
themselves, be disregarded? The fact is, this way the Iranian authorities are
questioned, the power of "insiders" is undermined and the opponents lose sympathy.
However, are the outraged voices attaining their prime objective i.e., to recover the
freedom to vote and disintegrate the Ahmadinejad government? According to Chong,
the current regime begins to reveal some cracks: the release of some prisoners to
demonstrate the good will of Islam, or even the way it has fought so ineffectively
against the international dissemination of information, showing some weakness before
rebel citizens and their supporters. All this may lead to future political and social
change in Iran. However, this is mere speculation, given the fact that Ahmadinejad
holds a military regime behind him (Chong, 2009:24). On this aspect, Boyd recalls that
democracy can not be looked at in purely quantitative terms, or based on institutions
seen as political agents per se, the process itself being of utmost importance: it is
important to encourage contact and influence among different groups, but without
crushing the individual. People should be able to find individual meaning in the process
(2005:11).
The Iranian Green Movement also represents a practical example of the adoption of a
networked communication model, where multiple mediation technologies are
interconnected and around a given objective. Thus, we can say that in the context of
protest, there are representations about the role that each media can have i.e. the
media matrixes (Meyrovitz, 1985) - in achieving the goals of political autonomy. In
addition to these representations, there are communicative autonomy strategies based
on media diets (Colombo, 1993) that combine different technological networks with the
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aim of managing social networks, either through Bluetooth, mobile phone networks or
the Internet. The Iranian case discussed here also shows the prevalence of social
networking over networked technology, as exemplified by the adoption of Bluetooth for
using SMS after the telephone network was cut off. In this context, the population
resorted to Bluetooth to distribute digital flyers and videos in public places such as
cinemas, parks and public transport. Somehow, the same procedures can be detected
in Mozambique’s protests in September 2010 where, after the announcement of price
increases of essential goods, like bread, an SMS was circulated calling for protest.
These messages led to protest, which was followed by conflict with the authorities on
the streets of Maputo and other areas of the country, resulting in several deaths. As a
means to manage this conflict, and before announcing that prices would not increase,
either the government or the actual companies blocked the sending of SMSs for several
hours, only allowing voice communication and data access to the Internet. The
Mozambican protests also allowed the emergence of information practices based on the
relationship between newspapers and social networks, such as the newspaper
@verdade. During the times of greatest tumult in the streets of Maputo, a journalist
from @verdade and Facebook friends of both the newspaper and the journalist,
exchanged information on safe places and on the scale of protest in different parts of
the city from the street, via Blackberry or home and office computers. This journalist
also mediated, certified and validated incoming information to people on Facebook. In
turn, this sharing space on Facebook led to the rise of a campaign for peace in
Mozambique and was also through @verdade on Facebook that questions were posed
on who had a given operator and could send messages or not.
Somehow, the Mozambican case shows us a dual reality when it comes to social
networking. On the one hand, some have access only to mobile phone networks and
not to mobile Internet due to the cost of equipment and of data connections. Those
are the ones who protested in the streets against the cost of living. On the other hand,
there are those who use other social networks, Facebook in this case, to understand
what is happening around the protest and not be caught by it. Finally, we have the
government and the telecommunications companies that can handle what type of use
can be permitted in terms of access and control of access gateways to communication.
What all three geographically and socially different examples (U.S., Iran and
Mozambique) show us is a present where, regardless of where we are or where we
look, an area of Networked Communication is germinating. We need to bear this
paradigm in mind to be able to understand how causes are supported and how protests
are carried out in our times.
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