
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 1, n.º 1 (Autumn 2010), pp. 115-118
Critical Review
by Marco António Martins
117
The fifth part focuses on European Union cases and on the soft power carried out by
transnational players, such as international organisations and Non-Governmental
Organisation (NGOs). It must be pointed out that the European Union does not have a
public diplomacy and that, according to specialists, its increased presence in the
international arena is necessary to improve its image. However, despite not having a
specific public diplomacy, it ends up exercising a series of public diplomacy activities,
such as having delegations in EU countries, the external actions carried out by the
Directorates-General for Education and Culture, the Euro-Mediterranean Conference,
and the intercultural dialogue programmes of the directorate-general for education and
culture. In the face of this, it is equally believed that the European Union unequivocally
needs a public diplomacy and a positioning strategy as a humanitarian power, since it
funds around 70% of all humanitarian aid, which, by analogy, should sell itself as a
“global alliance of democracies”, and take advantage of its capacity for regional
integration thorough the promotion of “region-building” and acceptance of its cultural
diversity, ranging from culture to politics. With regard to the soft power exercised by
transnational players, the role of the United Nations stands out, as it is viewed both as
a universal organisation, particularly with regard to its General Assembly, and as an
individual association, as illustrated by its Security Council. Besides the United Nations,
Javier Noya touches on the issue of the legitimacy of NATO and of its role, given that it
has a public diplomacy department set up in 1999 on the occasion of the Kosovo crisis.
This department includes: (1) an academic affairs unit; (2) television and radio studios;
(3) a network of officers in member countries; (4) information offices in Kiev and
Moscow; (5) an integrated data service; (6) programmes such as the Committee for
Modern Society Challenges; (7) publication of the NATO Review. In the specific case of
NGOs, their humanitarian stance through promotion and defence of universal values
among the public stands out.
Finally, the sixth and final part deals with the image of Spain abroad, in which the
author describes, for almost one hundred pages, the inclusion of Spain in Europe and in
the world, from Franco to current times. At the end, he delineates a public diplomacy
strategy for the country as part of the global objectives of defence of the Brand Spain,
with ten measures to implement such aspiration: (1) strengthen coordination among
inter-agencies; (2) set up information and strategic services within each agency with
analysis departments; (3) increase the culture of image mediation; (4) carry out
market segmentation and, in addition, identification of countries; (5) reset objectives;
(6) carry out training sessions in marketing and communication; (7) develop digital
marketing, such as the Internet and television; (8) conduct cultural actions externally;
(9) organise internal audience awareness raising sessions on public diplomacy; (10)
reinforce coordination among central administration sectors.
In effect, public diplomacy must be understood as follows: (1) short-term (hours or
days), when the management of news is done as a reaction to events, and in a way
that reaffirms strategic objectives. Events are not brought forward, rather, answers to
hypothetical scenarios are prepared in advance; (2) medium-term (weeks or months),
whose strategic communication intends to actively influence the information agenda, by
making things happen or by organising strategic activities to increase visibility and
improve the valorisation of a country. This has to do with the strengthening of
messages that affect perceptions; (3) long-term (years), in the context of building links
to create and nurture social and cultural relations between countries and among